Trump Arraigned for Alleged Actions Straight Out of “the Benito Mussolini Handbook”
BU historian Thomas Whalen says this might be the worst of all, because it endangers America and is straight out of “the Benito Mussolini handbook”

Donald Trump flew into Miami Monday ahead of his arraignment for allegedly taking classified documents and lying to investigators about it. Photo by Win McNamee/Getty Images
Where Does Trump’s Case Fall against Past Presidential Scandals Involving Sex, Power, Profit?
BU historian Thomas Whalen says this might be the worst of all, because it endangers America and is straight out of “the Benito Mussolini handbook”
Presidential scandals are as American as apple pie. This simultaneously venerable and sordid tradition historically revolved around three themes—sex (Bill Clinton, John F. Kennedy, Grover Cleveland), profit (Ulysses Grant and Warren Harding, whose associates parlayed government positions or connections into ill-gotten gains), or power (Richard Nixon’s bugging Democratic headquarters, Ronald Reagan illegally arming anti-Communist rebels in Nicaragua in an end run around Congress).
Even so, Donald Trump’s arraignment on 37 charges Tuesday broke new ground. First, he is not only a former president but a leading Republican contender to become president again. Trump also became the nation’s first president (sitting or past) to be indicted on federal charges. He was momentarily placed in the custody of the FBI for allegedly purloining classified defense secrets and then lying to federal investigators about it, in violation of several laws, including the Espionage Act. (Trump has pleaded not guilty on all counts.)
“Do you want someone like that who is so cavalier, about our nation’s national security and our secrets, and secrets of our allies, to be sitting in the Oval Office?” asks presidential historian Thomas Whalen, a Boston University College of General Studies associate professor of social science. “This is the gravest crisis in our nation’s history if that comes to pass.”
Whalen says it’s also a reflection of the times. “In the 1970s, that would be enough to force you to leave office,” he says. “Now, it’s just part of our regular political environment. I think that’s what Donald Trump has done to our democracy. He’s lowered our expectations. He’s diminished it. And it’s a sad state of affairs, but that’s where we are right now.”
BU Today asked Whalen to put Trump’s arraignment in historical context.
This interview was edited for clarity and brevity.
Q&A
with Thomas Whalen
BU Today: Given our history of presidential scandals, what’s different about Trump’s arraignment?
Whalen: For me, it’s basically saying that former President Trump committed treason in a willful manner. The other presidential scandals were due to personal corruption, lack of character. This is about betraying one’s country. Those classified documents contained secrets regarding national defense and about our allies. To the rest of the world, this sends a message [that] you can’t trust the United States. The United States used to be the leader of the free world. I’m wondering now, due to these revelations, [whether] that’s the case. Particularly in western Europe, they might be wise to look elsewhere for partnerships and leadership in the western world.
BU Today: With “treason,” I assume we’re talking vernacularly, not legally?
Whalen: Right.
BU Today: I ask because a MAGA-leaning columnist said the Espionage Act was passed to keep anybody from passing information to enemies, or profiteering from it. As of yet, we have no information that Trump had any motive like that.
Whalen: My rejoinder would be that Trump willfully withheld the documents, even though the Justice Department asked for them. Why he did it—well, there could be a variety of reasons, but they’re not good. Probably Trump will claim that he wanted a personal souvenir of his time in office, but that doesn’t fly when your documents contain our country’s nuclear secrets. Why would he retain them? Perhaps, given his grifting, transactional nature, to sell to other powers, to gain leverage for personal economic gain.
“I look at Donald Trump, and it seems like he’s stealing moves from the Benito Mussolini handbook on fascism.”
BU Today: What do you make of MAGA claims that prosecuting a former president is antidemocratic and weaponizes federal law enforcement?
If anything, it’s the opposite. It upholds the rule of law, and it makes our democracy stronger. Because in a democracy, unlike a monarchy or an authoritarian state, no one is above the law. Given Trump’s alleged actions, he should be prosecuted.
BU Today: Did past presidential scandals come amid polarized times—or did they polarize the country as this one has done?
When Harding took over, it was right after World War I. There had been a pandemic, and the beginning of the Roaring ’20s. I guess maybe [Harding’s scandals were] polarizing, but people were just exhausted, kind of like today. We’ve dealt with our own pandemic, economic misery, and extremist political action. [With] Bill Clinton, the country was at peace and there was record prosperity. It depends on what you consider polarization.
What’s different from other presidents is that Trump seems to be fueling the polarization. He wants division. He feels that serves his political interest.
BU Today: Did supporters of other besieged presidents use violence-tinged rhetoric, as Republicans have done ahead of Trump’s arraignment?
Pretty scary. Nixon would use bellicose language [during Watergate], but in the end, he decided that this would not be good for the country, and he offered his resignation. During the Watergate period, the Republican Party, which had been with him through and through, abandoned him, particularly leaders like [Senator] Barry Goldwater, the staunch conservative. Goldwater said, “You lied to us.” He went to the White House and told Nixon that if he went to a Senate trial after being impeached in the House, he could not win.
BU Today: How do you think future Americans will regard this arraignment and scandal, 10 years from now, or even 50?
Depends on who wins. Winners write history. I have a feeling that if Trump wins and he does get another term in office, our democracy—well, I think will be fondly remembered by some, but will be more of a Hungary kind of authoritarian state.
We have the Presidential Records Act, because when Nixon left the White House, there was a fear that he’d destroy all his papers and tapes. That [act] was put in place to preserve, for history, presidential records—that no president can destroy history. What you’re seeing here is Donald Trump trying to manipulate or even destroy history for his own benefit. He wants to basically write his own legacy.
Donald Trump has a cult of personality, and that’s what happens with authoritarian rulers. I look at Donald Trump, and it seems like he’s stealing moves from the Benito Mussolini handbook on fascism. He has the same gestures!
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